71: Between Two Worlds: Matteo Ricci's Bridge Between East and West

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Nicolas Trigault, based on the journal of Matteo Ricci, 1615
“From his long experience with the Magistrates, the governing class in China, Father Matteo had learned that when coming into their company, there was little to be gained by neglecting the customary external requirements of such a visit. It was for this reason, when entering the city, that he decided to assume a modest elegance, by wearing the silk robe that was customary for official visits…In fact, if these customs were neglected one would not be known as learned.”



"A real Babylon of confusion, filled with all sorts of sins, without any signs of justice, or piety, or a desire for salvation." These harsh words, penned by Matteo Ricci after his first encounters with Beijing, reveal the stark reality that greeted the Italian Jesuit upon reaching the imperial capital in 1601. The city's "magnificent audience chamber capable of holding thirty thousand people" stood in sharp contrast to the "dissolute life of sensuality and drunkenness" led by the emperor within his isolated palace – a contradiction that embodied the complex world Ricci would need to navigate to establish his mission in the heart of Ming China.

Ricci's extraordinary journey from the Papal States to the Imperial Court stands out as one of history's most impressive examples of cross-cultural dialogue. In contrast to earlier European visitors who struggled to overcome the significant cultural and political obstacles of the Middle Kingdom, Ricci triumphed with a unique strategy that utilized Western scientific knowledge—especially astronomy—as a means of connecting the two civilizations. By demonstrating cultural sensitivity, mastering the language, and carefully applying scientific insights, Ricci ultimately accomplished what had long appeared unattainable: he established a lasting Christian presence in China and fostered ongoing intellectual exchange between the East and West.

As discussed in the last episode, celestial harmony reflected political legitimacy for Chinese emperors and officials. As the “Son of Heaven,” the emperor bore responsibility for maintaining cosmic order through accurate astronomical observations and calendar-making. This concept of the "mandate of heaven" meant that unpredicted celestial events—particularly eclipses—could signal an emperor's diminished virtue and potentially undermine dynastic authority.

By the late 16th century, the Ming calendar—based on the Yuan dynasty's "Season Granting" system from 1280—had accumulated significant errors. Despite its remarkable success for nearly three centuries, by the 1580s, the calendar was off by a full day. This discrepancy created serious problems for predicting solar eclipses and determining ceremonial dates. The Ming Astronomy Bureau struggled to address these issues, with officials frequently overpredicting eclipses as a protective measure since failing to predict an actual eclipse constituted a serious offense.

The calendar crisis led to various reform efforts. In 1525, officials started publicly discussing reforms, and by 1592, the Ministry of Rites officially accused the Bureau of making a one-day error in its lunar eclipse predictions. These mistakes caused rifts between the emperor and his astronomical officials, paving the way for alternative solutions.
 
Meanwhile, Europe had recently undergone its own calendrical transformation. Pope Gregory XIII established a commission in 1572 that worked for ten years on calendar reform under the guidance of the Jesuit mathematician Christoph Clavius—who would later become Ricci's teacher. The Gregorian reform, promulgated in 1582, restored March 21 as the date of the vernal equinox and introduced new rules for leap years.

These parallel calendrical concerns demonstrated fundamentally different conceptions of time. While Christian timekeeping focused on accurately dating linear events within a creation-to-judgment framework, Chinese calendrists emphasized recurring celestial patterns within a cosmology that lacked a beginning or end. The Chinese priority was to predict the periodicity of celestial events rather than to date them from creation. This conceptual difference would present challenges and opportunities for the Jesuits in China.

The Society of Jesus, founded in 1534 by Ignatius of Loyola, emerged during a profound religious transformation in Europe. Unlike older monastic orders, the Jesuits emphasized education, intellectual engagement, and a global mission. Their rapid expansion was facilitated by a rigorous educational system centered on the Collegio Romano, which became a leading center for mathematical and scientific education.

The Jesuits underwent demanding training: two years as novices, followed by extensive academic preparation in grammar, dialectics, rhetoric, philosophy, and theology. This educational foundation provided them with intellectual tools that proved invaluable in engaging with Chinese scholar-officials. Critical was the mathematical education pioneered by Christoph Clavius, whose work on the Gregorian calendar reform established him as a leading mathematical astronomer.

The Jesuit approach to missions differed significantly from that of other orders. Under the guidance of Alessandro Valignano, who served as Visitor to Asian missions from 1573 to 1601, the Jesuits developed what became known as the "accommodation" policy. This approach emphasized respect for indigenous cultures and adaptation to local customs rather than imposing European cultural forms alongside Christianity.

For the Jesuits, scientific knowledge played a vital role in their mission. Not only did it have practical value, but it also showcased European civilization's intellectual richness. It fostered connections with indigenous scholars and reinforced theological claims about the natural order. Instead of seeing science as merely "bait" to draw in converts, the Jesuits recognized it as an essential aspect of their understanding of the world, harmonizing beautifully with faith and reason.

Many early attempts to establish a Christian presence in China had failed. The most notable was Francis Xavier's mission in 1552. Despite his earlier success in Japan, Xavier died on Shangchuan (shangschwan) Island, just down the coast from Macao, without reaching mainland China. His failure highlighted the formidable barriers facing would-be missionaries: China's strict isolation policies, deep suspicion of foreigners, and cultural self-sufficiency.

The Portuguese, who established a trading post at Macao in 1557, faced severe restrictions. A guarded gate strictly limited contact between Portuguese and Chinese, confining foreigners to the small peninsula. Earlier diplomatic missions had ended disastrously, illustrating the futility of common approaches: formal diplomatic missions, missionaries accompanying merchants, or suggestions to use force against Chinese "resistance to the Gospel."

The turning point was Michele Ruggieri's arrival in Macao in 1579 under Valignano's guidance. Unlike his predecessors, Ruggieri focused intently on learning the Chinese language and culture. In line with Valignano's "accommodation" strategy, Ruggieri meticulously adhered to Chinese etiquette and portrayed himself as a scholar instead of a merchant or diplomat.

Ruggieri made his first visits to Guangzhou (gwaang jow), formerly Canton, in 1580-1581, gradually winning the appreciation of local officials. His journey took a big step forward in 1582 when he was granted permission to set up a residence at neighboring Zhaoqing (jou ching) by the sympathetic Viceroy Ch'en Jui. Despite this progress, Ruggieri's mission was still quite challenging. In 1588, he ventured to Rome, hoping to organize a papal embassy to the Chinese emperor, entrusting the mission to his younger colleague, Matteo Ricci, as he departed.

Born in Macerata, Italy, on October 6, 1552, Matteo Ricci grew up during the Counter-Reformation era. At the age of sixteen, he left home for Rome to study at the German College. On August 15, 1571, he entered the Society of Jesus, beginning a formation process that would thoroughly prepare him for his future mission.

At the Roman College, Ricci studied under two influential teachers: Christoph Clavius for mathematics and Robert Bellarmine for theology. Under Clavius, he gained expertise in astronomy, geometry, and mechanics that would later impress Chinese scholars. From Bellarmine, Ricci developed skills in theological exposition that enabled him to explain Christian concepts clearly across cultural boundaries.

After volunteering for Far Eastern missions, Ricci left Rome for Portugal in May 1577. He sailed from Lisbon in March 1578 with thirteen other Jesuits, including Ruggieri. Upon arriving in Goa, India, Ricci spent four years teaching humanities and studying theology before being ordained a priest at Cochin (ko chin) in 1580.

Ricci's intellectual development showcased remarkable breadth. His correspondence highlights a temperament ideal for cross-cultural endeavors, noted as "exceedingly kind, affectionate and understanding" with "monumental patience and exquisite tact." In contrast to many Europeans of his time, Ricci exhibited exceptional openness to different cultures and a readiness to challenge European beliefs.

When Ricci finally arrived in Macao on August 7, 1582, he brought scientific expertise and a distinctive vision of how Christianity might engage with non-European civilizations. Under Valignano's direction, he immediately began intensively studying the Chinese language and culture, preparing for what would become his life's work.

On September 10, 1583, Ruggieri and Ricci established the first Christian mission in the interior of China at Zhaoqing. Their strategy fundamentally differed from earlier missionary approaches. Rather than demanding immediate conversions, they presented themselves as Western scholars interested in Chinese civilization. Ricci created a library of European books, displayed scientific instruments, and, most influentially, created a world map that "had a profound effect upon Chinese notions of world geography."

In November 1584, Ricci published "T'ien Chu shih-lu" (teen chuh shih loo) (True Account of God), the first work of Christian literature to appear in Chinese. Collaborating with a Chinese scholar to enhance its literary style, Ricci produced a text that addressed fundamental religious concepts while respecting Chinese literary conventions.

The Jesuits' approach was not without challenges. Their attempts to adopt Buddhist monastic dress initially facilitated entry but ultimately caused problems. More significantly, being associated with Buddhist monks—who held a low status among the Confucian elite—restricted their access to the scholarly circles they aimed to influence.

In 1587-1588, a series of incidents compelled Ruggieri to return to Macao, leaving Ricci as the mission’s leader. When a new viceroy moved to expel foreigners from Zhaoqing, Ricci successfully negotiated a relocation to Shaoguan (shou  gwen) instead of being completely expelled. On August 15, 1589, Ricci left Zhaoqing, leaving behind eighty Christians and establishing himself in Shaoguan.

During the Shaoguan period (1589-1595), Ricci developed a close friendship with Ch'ü Ju-k'uei (choo joo qway), the son of a renowned Chinese scholar-official. In contrast to earlier scholar-officials who only exhibited a superficial interest in European culture, Ch'ü demonstrated a sincere passion for Western learning. Over the course of about a year, Ricci instructed him in various European sciences, such as arithmetic, geometry, and methods for creating sundials and measuring distances.

This relationship proved invaluable, as Ch'ü introduced Ricci to regional officials and helped him establish connections in neighboring cities. These expanding networks reflected Ricci's evolving strategy, which increasingly focused on building relationships with the scholar-official class rather than seeking mass conversions.

Between 1592 and 1594, Ricci immersed himself in studying Chinese classics, coming to believe that "the unrelieved materialism of contemporary Confucianism had been arbitrarily grafted onto the original doctrine." This realization enabled him to differentiate "original" Confucianism from later neo-Confucian interpretations, framing Christianity as a restoration of Chinese traditions rather than a replacement.

A significant strategic shift occurred in July 1594 when Ricci adopted the dress code of Chinese scholars instead of that of Buddhist monks. By adopting the scholar's dress, the Jesuits aligned themselves with the respected Confucian elite, significantly enhancing their social standing.

On April 18, 1595, Ricci departed Shaoguan at the invitation of Shih Hsing, a member of the imperial Board of War. This journey marked the beginning of his movement toward the imperial capital, although the path would prove neither direct nor smooth. His plans were complicated by geopolitical tensions stemming from Japan's invasion of Korea in 1592, which fostered a climate of fear and suspicion toward foreigners.

Arriving in Nanjing on May 31, 1595, Ricci originally received a warm welcome. However, the political climate proved unfavorable. His old acquaintance Hsu Ta-jen feared "to compromise himself and endanger his career by becoming the patron of a foreigner." Disappointed but unbitter, Ricci left Nanjing after less than three weeks.

On June 28, 1595, Ricci arrived in Nanchang, the capital of Kiangsi (yong chi) province. His reception proved much more favorable, facilitated by Wang Chi-lou, a celebrated doctor of medicine who introduced him to cultured society. Ricci impressed local scholars with his knowledge of Chinese classics and extraordinary memory skills. The viceroy of Kiangsi encouraged him to remain in Nanchang, significantly enhancing his legitimacy among local elites.

During his time in Nanchang, Ricci refined his missionary strategy by engaging with Chinese intellectual societies. He wrote "Chiao-yu lun" (cheeow you lun) (On Friendship), which surprisingly gained popularity among scholars and was published without his consent. By 1598, Ricci noted that his treatise had been released "many times" and had established his reputation as a scholar “of talent and virtue."

Ricci's "apostolate by radiation" took advantage of Nanchang's role as a scholarly hub to create meaningful connections with intellectuals all over China. When the provincial civil service examinations attracted four thousand candidates to the city in December 1597, Ricci was "overwhelmed with visits" from eager scholars. By the time he departed from Nanchang, he had formed friendships with individuals from ten of China's fifteen provinces.

In 1598, administrative modifications bolstered Ricci's role: Alessandro Valignano appointed him as the head of the China mission, granting him extensive discretionary authority. When Wang Hung-hui proposed to escort him to Beijing, Ricci seized the opportunity. On June 25, 1598, he departed from Nanchang with Wang's fleet. The journey proved difficult. Upon reaching the imperial city, they encountered hostile conditions in Beijing and ultimately withdrew south, arriving in Nanjing in February 1599.

During his second visit to Nanjing, Ricci found a greatly improved atmosphere. The Japanese threat had receded, lifting "the heavy air of fear, distrust and suspicion." Numerous high-ranking officials established friendly relations with him, prompting Ricci to make Nanjing his permanent home by purchasing a residence in mid-April 1599.

In Nanjing, Ricci constructed astronomical instruments, including clocks, spheres, globes, quadrants, and sextants. He also prepared a revised world map, which was engraved and published with a laudatory preface. In April-May 1600, Ricci met Hsü Kuang-ch'i, who would later become one of China's most important Christian converts and eventually rise to the position of grand secretary.

On May 18, 1600, Ricci departed Nanjing for his second attempt to reach Beijing. Through the influence of Chu Shih-lu (choo shih loo), he obtained a passport to the capital and letters of recommendation to important figures in Beijing. Traveling along the Grand Canal, Ricci was warmly welcomed by Liu Tung-hsing (lay dong sing), the imperial commissar for rice transport, who prepared a new memorial for presentation to the emperor.

However, the journey took a perilous turn on July 3, 1600, in Linqsing (lin ting), when Ricci and his companions were captured by Ma-t'ang, a notorious eunuch overseeing customs. They were put under military guard, and Ma-t'ang accused Ricci of sorcery after his soldiers discovered a crucifix. The situation appeared dire until January 9, 1601, when an unexpected imperial decree ordered that the foreigners, along with their gifts, be sent to Beijing.

Upon his arrival in Beijing on January 24, 1601, Ricci found himself entangled in the political rivalries between eunuchs and civil officials. The eunuchs sidestepped the usual protocols and presented Ricci's offerings to the emperor, which included paintings of the Madonna, a breviary, glass prisms, a spinet, and timepieces. When one of the clocks malfunctioned, Ricci was summoned to the Forbidden City to fix it, and he r instructed four eunuchs on its upkeep.

After over a month, Ts'ai Hsien-ch'en (tie shian chen), the director of the bureau for foreigners, asserted his authority by having the police remove the Jesuits from their eunuch guards. Although Ricci's explanation eventually appeased him, he relocated the Jesuits to the "palace for foreigners," a spacious enclosure intended for foreign "ambassadors."

Chu Kuo-tso, the acting head of the Board of Rites, opposed Ricci's presence and submitted multiple memorials to the throne recommending that he be sent away. All memorials went unanswered, creating an impasse. The emperor's strategic silence effectively enabled Ricci's stay, as he "wished Ricci to remain in Beijing" but "preferred not to issue a decree to this effect."

Finally, on May 18, 1601, under pressure from Ricci's influential friends and concerned about the imperial silence, Chu Kuo-tso relented. Ricci was released from the foreign enclosure, achieving his goal of establishing himself in Beijing after "two decades of patient and persevering effort."

Matteo Ricci's journey from Macao to Beijing represents one of history's most extraordinary instances of cross-cultural engagement. Through patient cultural adaptation, linguistic mastery, and the strategic deployment of scientific knowledge, he achieved what had long seemed impossible: establishing a permanent Christian presence in Ming China and initiating a sustained intellectual exchange between East and West.

Scientific exchange functioned as a means and a goal in this cultural dialogue. Ricci strategically leveraged scientific knowledge to enter elite circles, yet his dissemination of astronomical and mathematical information went beyond mere utility. The calendrical challenges that both civilizations faced presented a shared problem, transcending cultural boundaries and fostering collaboration despite differing worldviews.

The "both/and" approach that characterized Ricci's mission—respecting Chinese culture while introducing Western knowledge, maintaining Christian commitment while adapting to Confucian social norms—created a model for cultural engagement that transcended the binary thinking common to his era. Neither assimilating completely to Chinese norms nor insisting on European cultural superiority, Ricci found a middle path allowing meaningful dialogue across profound differences.

Ricci's legacy proved enduring in both Chinese science and Christianity in China. The scientific dialogue he initiated continued through subsequent generations of Jesuits, eventually leading to significant astronomical and cartographic collaborations in the 17th and early 18th centuries. Although the Christian community he established remained small, it endured against considerable odds, surviving both the Ming-Qing transition and periodic persecutions.

In an era of global interconnection, characterized by persistent cultural misunderstandings, Ricci's patient, learned, and respectful approach to bridging East and West provides valuable insights for navigating cultural differences while seeking common ground.

Ricci's successful establishment in Beijing in 1601 signified not an end but rather a new beginning. With a secure residence in the imperial capital at last, the Italian Jesuit could fully engage in the intellectual exchange that would characterize his last decade in China. The period from 1601 until his death in 1610 proved to be exceptionally fruitful, as Ricci worked alongside Chinese scholars to translate Western scientific texts, introduce Euclidean geometry, elucidate European astronomical methods, and create a Chinese terminology for concepts lacking direct equivalents in the Chinese intellectual tradition. His endeavors—including creating the first bilingual dictionary, translating Euclid's Elements into classical Chinese, and introducing European cartographic techniques—would lay the groundwork for meaningful scientific dialogue between civilizations.

 As we shall see in the next episode, the process of translating not just words but entire systems of thought will challenge both Ricci and his Chinese collaborators to rethink fundamental assumptions about the natural world and humanity's place within it.

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