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Calorougus Shark Media. Hello and welcome to Palace Intrigue. I'm
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your host, Mark Francis. As America marks its two hundred
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and fiftieth birthday, Palace Intrigue this week is taking a
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look at the Revolution from the other side of the Atlantic.
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Not from the perspective of George Washington or Thomas Jefferson,
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but from the perspective of King George the Third, the
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Royal Court, Parliament, and ordinary Britons who watched thirteen colonies
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drift toward rebellion. In our afternoon episodes this week will
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follow the story as it unfolded in real time, exploring
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what London knew, what the King expected, and how the
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loss of America ultimately reshaped the monarchy itself. Every year,
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as the fourth of July approaches, Americans prepare to celebrate
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one of the defining moments in their national story. Fireworks
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of purchased flags appear on front porches, school children learn
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about George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and the thirteen colonies that
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declared their independence from Great Britain. It is a story
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told so often and so thoroughly from the American perspective
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that it can be easy to forget there was another
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side watching the same events and fold. For the British monarchy,
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the American Revolution was not the birth of a nation,
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it was the loss of one. When King George the
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Third came to the throne in seventeen sixty, there was
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no sense that Britain stood on the verge of a
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historic defeat. Quite the opposite. The young monarch inherited a
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kingdom that appeared to be entering a period of extraordinary success.
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He was just twenty two years old, ernest, dutiful, and
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determined to be a good king. In his first speech
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to Parliament, he declared born and educated in this country
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by glory in the name of Britain. It was the
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sort of statement that resonated deeply with the political class
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of the day. George was not seen as a distant tyrant.
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He was viewed as a patriotic, young sovereign who believed
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firmly in Britain's future and his role within it. Few
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people in London could have imagined that before the end
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of his reign he would preside over the loss of
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Britain's most important colonies in North America. The future United
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States occupied a curious place In the British imagination. The
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colonies were important, certainly, but they were not yet viewed
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as the center of the empire. They were prosperous, growing
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rapidly and contributing to Britain's commercial success, but they were
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also an ocean away. Most colonists considered themselves loyal British subjects.
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They read British newspapers when they could get them, They
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followed debates in Parliament. Many still thought of London as
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the heart of their political and cultural world. In other words,
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there were no obvious reasons for revolution. The crisis that
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eventually produced American independence began, as so many political crises do,
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with money. Britain had emerged victorious from Seven Years War,
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a sprawling conflict fought across Europe, North America and beyond.
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The victory transformed at Britain's position in the world. French
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power in North America was dramatically reduced, and Britain emerged
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as the dominant imperial force of its age. But wars
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are expensive and victory carried a staggering financial costs. From
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the perspective of ministers in London, the solution appeared straightforward.
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The colonies had benefited from Britain's military protection during the conflict.
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Surely they could contribute more towards the costs of defending
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and administering the empire. The taxes and duties that followed
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were not intended to provoke a revolution. They were intended
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to balance accounts. Yet what seemed practical in Westminster felt
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very different in Boston. The problem was not simply the
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money itself, it was the principle behind it. Increasing numbers
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of colonists began arguing that Parliament had no right to
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impose taxes on people who had no direct representation within it.
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The phrase taxation without representation would become one of the
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most powerful political slogans in American history. What has often
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forgotten today is that night a side initially saw itself
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as unreasonable. The men in London believed they were managing
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an empire according to established constitutional principles. The men protesting
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in the colonies believed they were defending rights they possessed
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as Englishmen. Both sides thought they were protecting liberty. Both
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sides believed the other had fundamentally misunderstood the situation. For
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King George, the growing unrest presented a challenge that was
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as much constitutional as political. Contrary to modern popular imagination,
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he was not an absolute monarch, issuing commands by royal decree.
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Britain had long since evolved into a constitutional system in
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which Parliament exercised enormous authority, Laws were passed by elected
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representatives and peers. Ministers developed policy. The King's role remained significant,
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but it was not unlimited. That distinction mattered greatly in London,
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it mattered much less in America. As protests intensified, many
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colonists increasingly viewed George himself as the embodiment of British authority.
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Whether a decision originated in Parliament, in government ministries, or elsewhere,
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mattered little. The King became the face of the system
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they opposed. Gradually, a political dispute of a taxation evolved
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into something far larger, a dispute over sovereignty itself. For George,
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this train information was deeply troubling. He did not see
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himself as crushing liberty. He saw himself as defending lawful government.
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As resistance hardened and colonial assemblies became more defiant, the
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king increasingly viewed events not as political disagreement, but as
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an open rebellion. He wrote there must be either submission
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or triumph more in a moment. By the middle of
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the seventeen seventies, reconciliation was becoming more difficult. With each
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passing month. The Boston Tea Party had outraged opinion in Britain.
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The destruction of private property in the open defiance of
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imperial authority convinced many in London that concessions would only
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encourage further resistance. Parliament responded with measures designed to reassert control.
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The colonies responded with greater anger. Each side interpreted the
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actions of the other its proof that compromise was no
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longer possible. Then came the Shooting War. When fighting broke
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out at Lexington and Concord in April of seventeen seventy five,
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the crisis moved beyond politics. Blood had been shed, British
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soldiers and colonial militiamen were now confronting one another as enemies.
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Even then, however, few people imagined that the conflict would
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end with the creation of an entirely new nation. Many
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still hoped some form of settlement could be reached. The
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following year destroyed those hopes. On July the fourth, seventeen
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seventy six, representatives of the thirteen colonies adopted the Declaration
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of Independence. Today, the document has celebrated as one of
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the foundational texts of democracy. Its language is studied around
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the world. Its ideals have inspired countless political movements. But
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imagine for a moment how it looked from Saint James Pallace.
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The declaration did not merely announce a separation. It laid
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responsibility for the crisis squarely at the feet of King George.
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The third line after line accused of a misconduct, oppression,
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and tyranny. The King was transformed from constitutional monarch into
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the principal villain of the American story. The colonial perspective,
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this was a necessary political act. Revolutions required symbols, and
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George became the symbol of British authority. From the King's perspective,
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it was something else Entirely. It was a public denunciation
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by subjects who had once sworn loyalty to him. There
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would be no easy return from that. The war that
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followed proved far more difficult than Britain had anticipated. Distance
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complicated everything. Orders across the Atlantic slowly. Reinforcements took months
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to arrive. Victories that might have been decisive in Europe
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often proved less meaningful in North America, where armies could
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simply withdraw, regroup, and continue fighting. The British army won
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important battles. New York fell, Philadelphia was occupied. At various points.
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It appeared entirely possible that the rebellion might collapse, Yet
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the war refused to end. George Washington proved remarkably resilient.
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American forces survived defeats that would have destroyed many armies.
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The longer the conflict continued, the more expensive and politically
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difficult it became for Britain to sustain. Then came Saratoga.
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The American victory in seventeen seventy seven persuaded France to
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enter the war openly on the side of the revolutionaries.
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What had begun as a colonial rebellion suddenly became part
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of a much larger international struggle. Britain was no longer
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fighting only Americans. It was confronting its oldest and most
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powerful rival. The conflict expanded across the globe. Resources were stretched,
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attention was divided. The prospect of a decisive British victory
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grew increasingly remote. The final blow came at Yorktown in
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seventeen eighty one, when Lord corn Wallace surrendered his army
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to combined American and French forces. News of the defeat
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eventually reached London, where it produced shock and despair. When
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Prime Minister Lord North learned of the surrender, he is
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widely reported to have exclaimed, oh God, it's all over.
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In many respects, he was right. Although the war would
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continue for a time, Yorktown convinced much of Britain's political
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leadership that the colonies could not realistically be recovered. Dream
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of restoring the old relationship was slipping away. For George
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the Third, the defeat was deeply painful. Historians continued to
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debate the extent to which he considered abdication, but there
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is little question that the loss of America represented the
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greatest stepback of his reign. The king, who had inherited
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a growing empire, now faced the reality that one of
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its most valuable possessions was gone. Yet something remarkable happened
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in the years that followed the monarchy endured. Looking back,
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this may have been the most important part of the
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story from a royal perspective. Americans understandably focus on what
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was gained. The British monarchy was forced to focus on
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what remained. The loss of America could have destabilized the Crown.
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It could have shouted confidence in the political system. Instead,
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Britain adapted, The Empire evolved, New territories grew in importance.
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Canada remained loyal. Australia would emerge as a major part
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of Britain's future. The nineteenth century would eventually become, in
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many ways, the century of British power. The monarchy learned
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a lesson that would echo through the generations that followed.
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Survival did not always depend upon victory. Institutions could absorb
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profound losses and continue forward. Adaptation could prove more important
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than dominance. That lesson would become increasingly valuable as the
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Empire transformed into the Commonwealth, and as later monarchs navigated
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a world very different from the one George the third
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and known today. The descendants of those revolutionaries and the
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descendants of that king are bound together not by conflict,
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but by alliance. American presidents visit British palaces. British monarchs
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are welcomed in American cities. The relationship that emerged from
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the wreckage of the Revolution became one of the closest
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partnerships in modern history. There was one final story that
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captures the strange journey from enemies to friends. After the war,
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the American artist Benjamin West told King George that George
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Washington intended to surrender his military commission and return to
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private life rather than seize power for himself. The king
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was reportedly astonished. If he does that, George replied, he
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would be the greatest man in the world and the
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inhabit I'd like to email us or addresses the Palace
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Intrigue at gmail dot com. Please follow us on Apple
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or Spotify and leave a comment there. If you're enjoying
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the show, I'm Mark Francis My thanks to John McDermott.
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This is Palace Intrigue. Good Times.