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Calaroga Shark Media. Good morning. This is Daily Crime and
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Justice from Calaroga Shark Media, powered by AI. I'm Garrett Fisher.
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It's Friday, September 11th, 2026. 25 years ago this morning, 2,977
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people were killed in New York at the Pentagon and
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in a field in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. You do not need
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me to describe that day. You have seen it. Many
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of you lived it. We are not going to play
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any audio from that morning on this show, and we
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are not going to walk you through how anyone died.
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What we are going to do is the thing this
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show does, which is follow the law. Because the legal
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story of September 11th is almost never told, and it
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is genuinely astonishing. Here is the shape of it. 25
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years later, nobody has been tried for it. Not one person.
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The case against the men accused of planning it has
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been sitting in a courtroom at Guantanamo Bay since 2008,
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and two weeks ago, a judge finally set a trial date,
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June of 2028. Meanwhile, more people have now died of
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illnesses caused by that morning than died on that morning.
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Last year was the worst year yet for those deaths,
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and it was worse than the year before it. And
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the families are still in court. A lawsuit they filed
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against the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been going since 2002.
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24 years. It is being argued in front of a
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federal appeals court next month. 25 years, three legal stories,
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not one of them is finished. Let me start with
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a number that I had to check three times before
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I believed it. June 2nd, 2028. That is the trial
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date a military judge entered two weeks ago on August
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31st for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and three co-defendants at Guantanamo Bay.
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If that trial actually happens on that date, it will
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begin 26 years and nine months after the attacks. It
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will begin 20 years after these men were first charged.
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How does that happen? It happens like this. Khalid Sheikh
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Mohammed was captured in Pakistan in March of 2003. He
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and his co-defendants were held for years in secret CIA facilities.
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What was done to them there is not in dispute anymore,
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and I am going to be blunt about it because
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it is the load-bearing fact in this entire segment. They
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were tortured. The government has acknowledged the program. A Senate
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committee documented it. That single fact has consumed 20 years
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of litigation. Because when you torture a defendant, everything he
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said afterward becomes legally radioactive. Was a statement made to
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the FBI in 2007 a fresh voluntary statement? Or was
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it the fruit of what happened in a black site
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four years earlier? That question has to be answered for
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every piece of evidence. And answering it requires litigating what
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was done, which requires declassifying what was done, which the
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government has fought for two decades. So the case never moved.
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And I want to give you a sense of the
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scale of that. Because pretrial hearings is a phrase that
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sounds procedural and small. There have been dozens of sessions.
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Judges have rotated on and off the case. The June
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2028 order comes from at least the fourth or fifth
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judge to hold it. Lawyers have retired. One defense attorney
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was replaced after being appointed to the bench. Witnesses have died.
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The courtroom itself is a converted building on a naval
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base in Cuba, and everyone involved has to fly there. Meanwhile,
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the men have been in custody for more than 20 years,
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which is longer than many people convicted of murder in
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this country actually serve. The men were arraigned in 2008.
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Charges were withdrawn and refiled. They were arraigned again in 2012.
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And then 13 years of pretrial hearings, which is not
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a typo. One defendant, Ramzi bin al-Shib, was severed from
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the case entirely in 2023 after a military judge found
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him not competent to stand trial. The reason he is
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not competent is what was done to him in custody.
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Read that again slowly. The United States government's treatment of
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a defendant made that defendant unfit to be tried by
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the United States government. Then, in the summer of 2024,
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something finally broke. On July 31st, the senior official overseeing
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the military commissions, a retired brigadier general named Susan Escalier,
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signed pretrial agreements with three of the men. Mohammed, Walid
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bin Atash, and Mustafa Al-Hausawi. The terms were reported as
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guilty pleas in exchange for life sentences, taking the death
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penalty off the table. Letters went out to the families
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of the nearly 3,000 people killed. Two days later, Defense
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Secretary Lloyd Austin withdrew from all three agreements. He wrote
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that given the significance of the decision, responsibility for it
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should rest with him. And here is where it becomes
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a genuinely fascinating legal fight, because the question was no
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longer about terrorism. It was about whether a cabinet secretary
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can reach into a prosecution after a deal is signed
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and unsign it. In November of 2024, the military judge,
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Air Force Colonel Matthew McCall, ruled that Austin had the
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authority to supervise the process, but not to rescind agreements
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that had already been executed. The deals were valid. The
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Court of Military Commission Review agreed. The government appealed to
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a federal appeals court in Washington. And last year, that
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court reversed. The pleas were vacated. The death penalty is
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back on the table. So after all of that, a
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new judge, Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Michael Schrama, has set
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the case for trial in June of 2028. Now, I
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want to be careful and fair here because there are
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people who will hear this segment as an argument for
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one political side, and it is not. The families of
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the people killed that day are not of one mind
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about any of it. When the plea agreements were announced,
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some families were relieved that this would finally end, that
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there would be an accounting, that they would not have
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to wait another decade. Other families were furious and said
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a plea deal robbed them of a trial and of
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the possibility of a death sentence for the men who
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planned the murder of their husbands and daughters and parents.
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Both of those reactions are entirely legitimate. There is no
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correct way to feel about a case that has taken
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a quarter of a century. But here is what I
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think is not up for debate. The deadliest crime ever
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committed on American soil has never been tried. The victim's
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families are now 25 years older. Some of the people
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who lost children that day have died waiting. And the
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reason it never got tried is not that the evidence
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was thin or the defendants were clever. It is that
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the government tortured the defendants and then spent 20 years
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litigating the consequences of having done it. That's not a mistake.
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That's a choice. It was made in 2003 and every
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family still waiting is paying the interest on it. 2,977
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people were killed that morning. Someone has to say that
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number out loud and someone has to say that no
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court has yet returned a verdict about it. When we
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come back, the number of people killed by that day
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has passed the number killed on that day. This is
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the part of the September 11th story that has become
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almost invisible, and it is the part with something you
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can actually act on today. When the towers came down,
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the collapse pulverized about 200,000 tons of steel, concrete, glass, asbestos, lead,
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and everything that was inside two office buildings. That dust
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hung over lower Manhattan for months. Roughly 400,000 people breathed it.
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Firefighters and police officers and paramedics. Construction workers who dug
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through the pile. Office workers who went back. Residents. Teachers.
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Kids who went to school down there. Within a few years,
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they started getting sick, respiratory disease, digestive disease, and cancer
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in numbers that were not normal. Here is where that
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stands 25 years later. According to the September 11th Victim
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Compensation Fund, roughly 9,000 death claims have now been paid
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for people who died of conditions linked to the attacks. 9,000
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against 2,977 on the day itself. More than three times
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as many people have now died from that morning as
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died during it. And it is not slowing down. Nearly 1,500
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of those deaths were recorded in 2025 alone. That is
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the highest annual total yet. 25 years on, the deadliest
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year of the September 11th attacks so far was last year. Now,
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the legal history here is actually a good story, and
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I do not get to say that often. The original
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compensation fund closed in 2004, before most of these illnesses appeared.
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For years, sick responders had essentially nothing. What existed instead
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was litigation, thousands of individual lawsuits going nowhere slowly. And
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I want to be precise about why that gap existed,
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because it was not an oversight. It was a design decision.
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The original fund was created within 11 days of the attacks,
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and it was fast, and it was generous, and it
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had a condition attached. If you took the money, you
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gave up your right to sue the airlines. That was
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the trade. Congress was protecting the aviation industry from being
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litigated out of existence. So the fund was built to
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close quickly. And it did. And it closed before anybody
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understood that the dust was going to kill people for
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the next quarter century. In 2010, Congress passed the James
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Zadroga 9-11 Health and Compensation Act. James Zadroga was a
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New York City police detective who worked the pile and
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died in 2006 at 34. The act created two things.
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the World Trade Center Health Program, which provides monitoring and treatment,
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and it reopened the compensation fund. It was funded for
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five years. Then it had to be fought for again
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in 2015. Then again in 2019. That 2019 fight is
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the one people remember because of a hearing where a
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retired NYPD detective named Luis Alvarez, dying of colorectal cancer,
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testified before Congress the day before his 69th round of chemotherapy.
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He died three weeks later. The law that passed carries
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his name, along with James Zadroga's and that of a
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firefighter named Ray Pfeiffer. It authorized the fund through 2090
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and funded it through 2092. The health program, though, was
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a different fight, and it kept needing money. Congress topped
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it up in 2022 and again in 2023, and this
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past February passed legislation to fully fund it. So the
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structure is finally more or less in place. 24 years
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after the fact. And now the practical thing, and this
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is why I wanted this segment on today of all days.
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If you were in lower Manhattan on or after September 11th, 2001,
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and you have not registered, today may be your deadline.
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New York State's Registration for World Trade Center Rescue, Recovery,
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and Cleanup Service, the one that preserves your right to
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file a workers' compensation claim, has a deadline of September 11th, 2026.
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That is today. And eligibility is much broader than people assume.
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It is not just firefighters and police. It covers construction
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and cleanup workers, volunteers, and survivors, meaning people who lived, worked,
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went to school, or were present in the dust or
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the dust cloud in the covered area of lower Manhattan.
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The federal programs are separate and their deadlines run much longer,
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into the 2090s. You do not need a lawyer to
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apply to either one, but the state registration closes today.
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So if you were down there, or your father was,
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or your aunt was, and nobody ever filled out a form,
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that is the thing to do this morning. Not this weekend.
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This morning. There's one more piece of this, and it
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is an ongoing legal fight that almost nobody covers. For years,
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advocates have been trying to obtain New York City's records
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about air quality in lower Manhattan in the weeks after
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the attacks. What did the city know, and when, about
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what people were breathing? Members of Congress asked for those
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documents in 2021. The city declined. It has continued to
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decline across two mayoral administrations. There is litigation, and there
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are reportedly settlement talks now. 25 years, and the question
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of what officials knew about that heir is still being
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fought over in a courtroom. I am not going to
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tell you what those records say because nobody outside city
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government has seen them. That is the entire point. There
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is a documented history here. Within days of the collapse,
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federal officials publicly said the air in lower Manhattan was
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safe to breathe. An inspector general later found that statement
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had gone out before there was data to support it.
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People went back to work on that assurance. Some of
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them are dead now. And the city's own contemporaneous records
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about what it knew are still sitting in a filing
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cabinet somebody is fighting to keep closed. James Zadroga was 34.
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Ray Pfeiffer was 59. Luis Alvarez was 53. Roughly 9,000
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more people have died the same way, and almost none
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of their names are known to anybody outside their own families.
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Someone has to say that they are still dying. When
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we come back, a lawsuit filed in 2002 is finally
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getting argued next month. Segment three, 24 years of one lawsuit.
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In August of 2002, less than a year after the attacks,
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lawyers filed the first civil case on behalf of 500
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survivors and family members. That case consolidated in the Southern
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District of New York under the caption NRE. Terrorist attacks
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on September 11th, 2001 is still going. 24 years. It
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is old enough to have graduated law school itself. The
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defendant that matters is the kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 15
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of the 19 hijackers were Saudi nationals. The families allege
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that Saudi government employees knowingly provided support to two of
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the hijackers in California before the attacks. Saudi Arabia denies
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all of it. It has always denied it. And I
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want to be extremely clear about something before I go further.
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Nothing in this case has been proven. There has been
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no trial and no finding of liability. Everything I am
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about to describe is an allegation that a court has
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said the families are entitled to try to prove. For
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most of those 24 years, the case was not about
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the facts at all. It was about whether it could
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be brought in the first place. Under the Foreign Sovereign
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Immunities Act, you generally cannot sue another country in an
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American court. That is not a loophole. It is a
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rule that exists because we do not want American officials